Understanding the Experiences of Girls Using a High School Weight Room

Previously published in Volume 86, Issue 2

Abstract
Resistance training is typically viewed as a masculine pursuit but is vitally important for good health for both boys and girls. There are many barriers to girls participating in resistance training, many of which may be gender related. School-based initiatives, particularly for girls, may be one of the best ways to encourage and facilitate participation. However, there is limited information on adolescent girls’ experiences in the school weight room. The purpose of this study was to explore the experiences of girls using a high school weight room staffed by a female exercise specialist. Using an interpretive description methodological design, four focus groups were held in an urban high school. A semi-structured interview guide was employed to ask girls about their experience with their school weight room. Included in their experiences were facilitators and barriers. Four themes were identified relating to a sequential process the girls went through to engage in activities in the school weight room: 1) Believing the weight room was not a space for girls, 2) Girls finding their place, 3) Girls taking their place, and 4) Navigating new spaces and places. They identified the female exercise specialist as an integral piece of this process. Analysis revealed that purposeful strategies including instituting mandatory weight room participation, ensuring strong social support from peers, and having a female role model present to impart knowledge and guide student behavior can be used by schools to encourage girls’ participation within the weight room. Keywords: adolescents, high school, physical education, resistance training

Background

According to the World Health Organization (WHO), 81% of adolescents do not meet the WHO recommendations of 60 minutes of daily moderate to vigorous physical activity (MVPA) (World Health Organization, 2019). Furthermore, there may be a disparity in physical activity participation between girls and boys, as Canadian population health research shows that only 4% of female youth between the ages of 5-17 achieve the recommended levels of MVPA, compared to 12% of male youth (Statistics Canada, 2015). Although aerobic activities make up most of the physical activity accumulated by adolescents, it is recommended that exercises that strengthen bone and muscle should be included at least three times a week (World Health Organization, 2019). Decreased muscle strength has been linked to a higher risk of cardiovascular, metabolic, and bone diseases in children and youth, (Smith et al., 2014) as well as increased frailty, fall risk, and decreased quality of life with age (Shaw, Dennison, & Cooper, 2017). Lower muscular strength in adolescence has even been linked to a higher risk of early mortality (Ortega, Silventoinen, Tynelius, & Rasmussen, 2012). Muscular fitness can be improved with the completion of resistance training activities of adequate volume and frequency, and may include the use of free weights, machines, body weight, or objects encountered in daily life (Behringer, Vom Heede, Yue, & Mester, 2010). Despite the evidence indicating the importance of building muscular fitness early and maintaining it throughout life, there has been a reluctance to promote resistance training activities in adolescents, primarily due to a pervasive myth that it is unsafe for physically immature individuals to undertake loading exercises (Faigenbaum et al., 2009).

Adult women are less likely to engage in resistance training activities (Coen, Subedi, & Rosenberg, 2016), but little research has examined the participation rate among adolescents, or programs and strategies that aim to improve participation rates in that population. A meta-analysis of survey studies asking participants about the nature of their sport and leisure physical activities found that globally, adolescents aged 13-17 years had a very low prevalence of participation (0.3 to 12.4%) in resistance training activities (Hulteen et al., 2017). Unfortunately the results were not separated by sex, but it can be assumed that female youth would have a lower participation rate than male youth, based on their overall lower participation rate in physical activity (Statistics Canada, 2015). Lower participation rates could be attributed to the widespread cultural expectation to maintain feminine traits, such as undesirable muscle gain, which may be viewed as masculine (Dworkin, 2001). 

Despite their low participation levels, young women are aware of the positive effects of physical activity on physical and emotional well-being, such as good health, weight-loss, relaxation, stress relief, increased energy, improved confidence and better appetite (Sleap & Wormald, 2001). However, they perceive many gender-related barriers to engaging in physical activity (Dwyer et al., 2006; Sleap & Wormald, 2001), including being self-conscious of their appearance such as the types of clothes being worn, sweating, getting red-faced, and having messy hair (Dwyer et al., 2006; Sleap & Wormald, 2001). Furthermore, perceptions about one’s body and a lack of competence and confidence regarding physical activity have been reported as barriers (Dwyer et al., 2006; Sleap & Wormald, 2001), and may lead to girls’ desire to have a separate space away from boys where they can participate in activity free from judgement (Pawlowski, Tjornhoj-Thomsen, Schipperijn, & Troelsen, 2014).

There is international recognition that the delivery of school-based physical activity programs is important in improving the health of adolescents as well as influencing the societal factors (e.g. gender inequity) that contribute to a healthy population (World Health Organization, 2017). School-based interventions provide an ideal environment to address some of the barriers that affect the participation rates of young women in physical activity, in particular the provision of role models and leaders (Tucker Center for Research on Girls & Women in Sport, 2018). School-based physical activity programs tailored to young women that include a resistance training component are rare in the literature but have been well received and resulted in improved body image and decreased sedentary time (Neumark-Sztainer et al., 2010) as well as improved physical fitness and self-perception (Parsons, 2019). While it is encouraging that some attention is being given to adolescent girls who participate in resistance training activities, only quantitative studies have been conducted to date, and no studies were identified that have explored the girls’ experiences with these types of activities. Information about barriers and facilitators to participation would be of value to schools to improve resistance training opportunities for girls. Therefore, the primary purpose of this study was to explore the experiences of girls using a high school weight room staffed by a female exercise specialist. The secondary purpose was to explore how these experiences influenced participation in physical activity and exercise after high school graduation.

Methods

Experimental Approach to the Problem

The goal of this study was to understand the experiences of girls using their high school weight room, with the purpose of offering recommendations to schools and individuals working in those environments. Therefore, we used a qualitative approach, specifically an interpretive description methodological design (Thorne, Kirkham, & MacDonald‐Emes, 1997). Focus groups were conducted to engage the students in in-depth discussion around the topic of interest and to encourage sharing of similar and contrasting viewpoints.  

Participants

Girls who attended a local high school that had a weight room staffed with a female exercise specialist were approached to participate in this study. The exercise specialist possessed an undergraduate degree in exercise science and was hired by the school to supervise the weight room and provide instruction and guidance to students on its use. Students use the weight room during spare periods, at lunch hour, during their Physical Education (PE) class, or after school during scheduled girls-only “boot camp” time. The weight room is relatively small for the size of the school (1200 students), and contains mainly free weights with a couple of older weight machines and stationary bikes. All students in Grade 11 & 12 PE classes are required to attend and use the weight room for six of their 55 mandatory physical activity hours (Manitoba Education, Citizenship, & Youth, 2007) during the semester. 

Prior to beginning recruitment, the study received ethics approval from the University Ethics Board and the School Division. Initially, only those individuals who had recently graduated from the high school were targeted via an email sent out by the school. Recruitment efforts were then expanded to include girls in their final semester of Grade 12. At that point, posters were placed in the school, and the school exercise specialist advertised the study directly to eligible girls. A total of 45 students expressed interest in the study; 32 were screened for eligibility, with all but one found eligible. Due to various reasons [conflicting schedule (7), loss of contact (2), no-show (4)], 18 girls aged 17-19 years participated in the focus groups. 

Data Collection

Focus Groups: A total of four focus groups were held. The initial focus group, with five recently graduated students, lasted approximately 90 minutes, and was held in the evening at the high school. The final three focus groups were held at lunch hour in a classroom at the school, as the participants were in their final semester of classes. Because of time constraints, these three meetings lasted a maximum of 45 minutes. All focus groups were facilitated by one of the authors (JR), who possesses extensive experience and training in qualitative methodology. A co-facilitator (JP) was also present to ask additional questions and to encourage group dialogue. Participants completed a short descriptive questionnaire asking about the frequency and duration of weight room use, and the typical types of activities they chose to do in the room. The focus groups were audio-recorded. 

To begin, each participant shared their answer to an ice-breaker question. Discussion then proceeded using a semi-structured interview guide (see Appendix A), and focussed on the girls’ experiences within the school weight room, including how they were introduced to participating in weight room activities, and any barriers or challenges they encountered along the way. The girls were asked to reflect on the impact of the weight room exercise specialist, and whether it would have made a difference to their participation if the exercise specialist was male instead of female. Finally, they were asked if they had any recommendations or advice about the weight room and associated programs. Probing questions were used to further prompt rich discussion and more closely explore the girls’ responses. At the end of the focus group, participants received a modest honorarium. 

Follow-up Phone Interviews. In the first focus group, participants were also asked about their physical activity since graduation and how their experience with the school weight room and exercise specialist might have influenced their choices of physical activity. Since the final three focus groups were conducted with girls prior to high school graduation, an individual follow-up phone call was scheduled with each to collect the same information from those participants. The audio-recorded interviews, which took 5-10 minutes to complete, were carried out by a graduate student within five months of the participants’ high school graduation. Post-graduation data was successfully collected in this manner from 12 of the 13 girls who had attended the final three focus groups.

Data Analysis

The focus group and interview audio recordings were transcribed verbatim by the same experienced transcriptionist. Data were analyzed inductively, using a thematic approach (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Segments of text (words, phrases, or sentences) were examined by asking “what is this about?” or “what is going on here?”. A label, or code, was then derived from that segment of text to capture intent. Both authors read and coded the first focus group transcript, meeting in person after every 10 pages to discuss the codes and come to agreement over any discrepancies. An initial set of codes was created in a table using Microsoft Word. After both authors read and coded the second focus group transcript, the coding table was confirmed and used by the first author (JP) to read and code the last two focus group transcripts, consulting the other author (JR) throughout. Both authors read and coded the first two phone interviews, but as no new codes were identified, the remaining interviews were coded by one author (JP). Both authors then met in person to discuss and group similar codes into categories. Further meetings led to the development of overarching themes, identification of relationships between themes, and description of a process of engagement. On completion of analysis, a one-page summary of the findings was sent to the participants to review with a request to respond with changes or concerns within one week. Two responses were received, with no changes or concerns identified.

Rigour: Rigour within the study was addressed through several processes. Including participants from two cohorts enhanced the credibility of the findings. A clear description of the setting provides support for the transferability of the findings. Two primary researchers were involved throughout the study and engaged in multiple discussions at key points as the study progressed, enhancing the richness of perspective taken through data collection and analysis. An audit trail, including iterative versions of the data analysis, and decisions made through analysis was maintained. The final themes are supported by direct quotes from participants, and member-checking provided confirmation that the findings resonated with the participants.

Results 

The results of the focus groups and follow-up interviews revealed four themes relating to a process which girls went through to engage in activities in the school weight room: 1) Believing the weight room is not a space for girls, 2) Girls finding their place, 3) Girls taking their place, and 4) Navigating new spaces and places. These themes will be discussed in succession, using supportive quotes from the participants from this study.  

Believing the Weight Room is Not a Space for Girls 

The participants’ initial impression of the weight room was that it was not for girls. Many participants held preconceived notions about who belonged there and what it would mean for them if they undertook weight lifting activities. The school’s policy to make use of the weight room mandatory for all students was the reason the girls needed to enter the space, and once there, the activity was viewed as an acceptable alternative to sports, which were not favoured by many participants. At the beginning of their time in the school, some participants did not realize the weight room was even an option for them, as evidenced by one participant who stated “To be honest, I never knew that … girls could go to the weight room because it’s just like a thing stuck in my head” (Focus Group [FG]1). The image of a male athlete as being the only type of person suited to use the space was evident in the words of another participant who said “I never even thought of the weight room because, again, only boys. It was only meant for like football players” (FG1). Even when participants were aware that the weight room was available to them, they retained the preconceived notion that by undertaking weight training, they would acquire an undesirable, masculine appearance. For example, one participant thought that if she used the weight room, “I’m going to look like a boy or I’m going to have too much muscles” (FG1).

Making participation mandatory as part of their PE credit was the main motivator for the girls to enter the weight room in the first place. Multiple participants echoed this sentiment, for example: “In Grade 9 or 10 they actually like required, like on some days they actually like put us in the weight room for gym class” (FG4). Once exposed to the weight room, many girls decided that it was a preferred alternative to sports in order to fulfill the required hours of physical activity for PE credit as well as stay active. A participant in FG1 stated, “I guess I started, I think the reason I went to boot camp is because I don’t really like sports….. and I liked being active but I didn’t like playing soccer or whatever.” Girls who perceived that participation in sport wasn’t acceptable saw the weight room as another option:  

I started going to the weight room because, from the background culture I come from, we don’t really, like my, uh, we don’t play sports, like especially girls. So when I got here, um, I knew like all of my friends, they played sports in school but I didn’t because I was just never brought up like that. So like everyone was already good at those sports. I didn’t really want to join them because … I’d never played them before (FG1).

Girls Finding Their Place

Once committed to going to the weight room, either by choice or as a mandatory PE activity, the participants discussed an initial intense sense of self-consciousness when others might observe them going into the weight room or using weights. They painstakingly described how they felt watched and scrutinized by others in the school as they entered the weight room that had windows facing the hallway. One person described it as “You feel like you’re in a cage at the zoo” (FG1). The physical location of the weight room in a central, student-populated location contributed to that sense of anxiety and judgement:

It’s always nerve wracking because we have those tables right across from the weight room which everyone is around there after school. So when you’re walking in, it’s always a little iffy because it’s like you’re walking down a runway and everyone’s just staring at you and it’s uncomfortable (FG1). 

The girls expressed apprehension about how their physical appearance was affected as it related to engaging in the weight room activities and feeling vulnerable when wearing their gym clothing: “I think girls just in general are just kind of leery around teenage guys when they’re wearing really tight clothing” (FG4).  

As the participants initially began using the weight room, they experienced it as a space that was dominated by boys. The boys’ larger physical size and the way they took control of the equipment in the space contributed to a feeling of intimidation and a lack of belonging in the room. For example, one girl stated: “But the fact that they take up all the machines and all the weights, because our weight room’s small. Like there isn’t much room to do anything so I ended up like go in the halls or something to do your workout” (FG2). The participants viewed the boys in the weight room as holding a sense of entitlement, sometimes physically taking over and preventing the girls from using the space. One girl explained it this way: “They usually like take your spot. Like you’ll have a bar set-up and then they’ll take it off. Take the weights off” (FG2).

This sense of judgement and experience of domination of space by boys was compounded by an initial fear and lack of knowledge of how to use the equipment and space. One participant stated: “I’d been kind of scared to ask like what to do. I’d be like do my own thing and I know I’m doing it wrong, I just () Yea, like it feels dumb” (FG2). They described initially being afraid to ask for direction on how to use the equipment, and how that made them feel inadequate in the space.  
The girls described how the challenges and barriers to initial engagement in the weight room were counteracted by several key factors. The convenience of having the weight room within the school rather than having to go off campus was identified as a positive factor. Peer support played a large role at this stage in overcoming the sense of intimidation and lack of belonging. They experienced an enhanced sense of motivation when other girls and friends were also going to the weight room, and felt safety and confidence in numbers: “At the beginning, (if) girls are not encouraged or pushed to go they will never go and they will never feel that confidence to do it alone so right in the beginning we should do it in like groups” (FG4).

However, the most significant support to engagement at this early stage, as expressed by the girls, was the presence of a female exercise specialist in the weight room. Participants generally agreed that they likely would not have started going to the weight room if the exercise specialist was male. The female exercise specialist was identified as instrumental in their initial participation, as she actively worked to make the weight room a safe and comfortable space. The participants explained how the female exercise specialist sought to moderate and control the boys’ behaviours and physical domination of the space, including to the point of asking them to leave. One participant described how “Sometimes we have guys trying to get in … (and the female exercise specialist) … she’ll kick them out” (FG2). The exercise specialist provided key information that allowed the girls to overcome their initial lack of knowledge on use of the weight room equipment, alleviating their fears of appearing incompetent. The girls appreciated how the exercise specialist was sensitive to the unique aspects of their own female bodies in a way that they didn’t perceive a male exercise specialist would be able to address. They recognized how the female exercise specialist went beyond the basics of teaching exercises and creating a safe environment as she imparted a sense of confidence in them as they undertook their weight room activities. She also served as an advocate for them and counteracted some of the (real or perceived) judgment that they experienced, as relayed in a situation described by one participant:

I’d be like working hard in the weight room…I could barely breathe because I’m doing like a vigorous type of workout. And then, and then the teacher from the back would be like, um, what are you doing? Are you training for something? And then [female exercise specialist] would answer him, yea, she’s training for life (FG1).

Girls Taking Their Place 

The participants clearly outlined that becoming comfortable in the weight room was a process which was facilitated by strong support from peers and teachers. They described how repetitive use of the space led to a feeling of belonging, and adoption of behaviour and language specific to the weight room. Their reliance on the female exercise specialist lessened as they moved through the process, while confidence simultaneously increased. Many participants reflected that the only way to become more comfortable in the weight room was to attend and participate, despite the initial fear and lack of knowledge. For instance, one participant in FG1 stated “I remember I could barely do stuff that we did there. And I looked at [female exercise specialist] and the other girls and I was really motivated. And then like I just kept going and now I do it every day.” Many participants recognized this process as unavoidable, and something every girl had to go through in the weight room. For example, a girl from FG1 stated “But as you come, as you go through it, which I did, so did everyone else. Like you’re, you, in the beginning you’re nervous but then you just get used to that.” Another participant from FG4 concurred, saying “You see more girls going, the girls that are new, they will try to go and in time they will feel confident. That’s what happens when a girl goes to the gym and keep going and keep going she will feel confident.” 

The feeling of intimidation associated with the presence of boys in the weight room also eased during this process, as evidenced by a participant stating “Boys would still be in the weight room but you just don’t really look at them or they don’t just matter anymore” (FG1). Establishing relationships with peers in the weight room was seen as contributing to that feeling that they belonged. One participant framed it as “Then one or two (girls) will come like, we’re all together, we’re all helping each other” (FG2). But the girls also saw teacher support as important and motivating to attend: “Teachers…would be like, oh I see you in there…it made you feel like, oh, like someone’s watching you and they appreciate that, right” (FG1)?

Once the girls became accustomed to participating in the weight room, their attitudes and feelings changed. One girl considered the space as “Kind of an escape place for me not to be at home. I’m very comfortable there” (FG1). They began to see the space and activities they did there as part of their identity. One girl stated “This is my thing” (FG1). Another participant said “It definitely did help me to be more like, you know, confident, uh, with the way I work out” (Interview [I] 45). Many participants at this stage had increasing levels of confidence, and exhibited strong sentiments that they belonged in the space. Instead of being intimidated to enter the weight room, as they had been in the beginning of the process, they now felt empowered to express their right to be in the weight room, as one girl recalled stating, “You guys move away. I need to go in” (FG1).

Navigating New Places and Spaces

By the end of their time in high school, girls felt comfortable using the weight room, with their confidence high and their dependence on the female exercise specialist reduced. For many, this changed as they entered new environments after graduation, such as university. They described having to repeat some aspects of the process they went through in high school, whereby there was a resurgence of initial fear and a lack of knowledge about the new space. Their desire to have peer support to counteract these barriers echoed their high school experiences: “I am actually quite excited to try their … gym. But I would like somebody to go with me. Like a friend to like check it out with me and like try to figure things out together” (FG3). They did not identify ongoing concern about external judgement or dominance of the new space by boys, however. 

Participants talked about the legacy knowledge they possessed from their time in the high school weight room with the school exercise specialist, and how they could apply that post-graduation, once they were in the new space. “You know … our instructor, she taught us like the right way to lift. The right way to do like a certain, like exercise so definitely like it did. It lets me to work out better and, you know, not to hurt myself” (I5). However, just physically getting into a new weight room was seen as a challenge for many girls. They were not familiar with the space, and felt nervous to go there for the first time: “I don’t know where even the weight room is…I’d feel awkward at first and be like, I wouldn’t be as comfortable” (FG3). However, not all girls were fearful of the new space, as one participant stated “I don’t know if that’s from boot camp, but I definitely don’t have a fear of going to the gym” (FG1).

Discussion

Figure 1. Process of engagement for girls in the high school weight room

The primary purpose of this study was to explore the experiences of girls who used a school weight room staffed by a female exercise specialist during their time in high school. The concepts of space and place emerged as central to the analysis. Hasselkus (2011) described that “Place is a part of space, but at the same time place is set apart from space by the intentions and concentrated attention that it harbors” (p.42) (Hasselkus, 2011). In this study, through a process of engagement, the space that was the weight room became a place of meaning for the participants. The girls initially ascribed characteristics to the weight room space based on their historical and cultural understandings. With repeated encounters over time, and with the support of a female role model, it became a place where they developed their self-confidence and a sense of belonging (Figure 1).

Initially, girls did not consider the weight room as an option to them, and believed that only boys and athletes belonged there. This fits with the widespread cultural belief that muscle development is seen as masculine and undesirable for girls (Dworkin, 2001), and therefore resistance training activities are not viewed as a viable option. Similar to past work involving adolescent girls (Sleap & Wormald, 2001), when first beginning to attend the weight room, the girls expressed anxiety about being judged for a lack of knowledge and ability, as well as their appearance, including their clothing.

Intentional strategies were crucial for facilitating engagement in this beginning stage of the process. These strategies included making weight room use mandatory as part of the girls’ PE credits, creating a fun and social atmosphere through initiatives such as girls-only boot camp, and nurturing a supportive group environment that included both peers and teachers. Previous work has identified that social support and the inclusion of enjoyable activities are important for engaging girls in physical activity at a young age (Domville, Watson, Richardson, & Graves, 2019; Ommundsen, Klasson-Heggebø, & Anderssen, 2006; Stanley, Boshoff, & Dollman, 2012; Tucker Center for Research on Girls & Women in Sport, 2018). However, mandating participation is a novel method of introducing girls to the weight room, but was recognized by the majority of the participants as an essential reason as to why they entered the weight room in the first place. The girls also identified the importance of repetition to feel comfortable in the space. They described it as unavoidable, and something that every girl had to go through. Making participation mandatory, and requiring continued engagement instead of a one-time trial of the activity are important elements that can be easily targeted by schools wanting to increase resistance training among students who would not normally partake in the activity. 

While making positive changes such as providing convenient access to a school weight room and mandating initial and continued participation seem like positive steps to take, just the provision of the opportunity for physical activity is not enough (Bauer, Yang, & Austin, 2004). There needs to be a bridge that creates the safe, appropriate social environment required to achieve increased participation among girls and young women. In the current study, the female exercise specialist was that bridge. The majority of girls stated that they would not have started going to the weight room if the exercise specialist had been male. The female exercise specialist was able to address many of the gender-related barriers to participation that the girls identified. She acted as a positive role model in her leadership role, which is known to facilitate girls’ engagement in any type of physical activity (Tucker Center for Research on Girls & Women in Sport, 2018), but perhaps especially with resistance training which has traditionally been considered a masculine activity. The exercise specialist’s very presence in the weight room showed students that girls can and do lift weights, and that it is acceptable, and even desirable, to develop muscles and strength. The girls reported that the exercise specialist was also able to temper the boys’ dominance and behaviour in the weight room, making the atmosphere more welcoming to girls. Previous work in middle-school aged children identified similar gender-related bullying behaviour (Bauer et al., 2004), which can negatively impact on the ability to engage in physical activity. 

Participants described a number of environmental features that affected their comfort and participation in the weight room. The school weight room is situated in a main hallway in the school, and so the addition of window blinds decreased the girls’ perception of being watched and judged while they exercised; a commonly identified barrier to participation among girls and women (Dwyer et al., 2006; Peters, Schlaff, & Knous, 2015). They also noted that the location of the change room meant that they had to walk the length of a hall that contained tables at which groups of students frequently sat. They described taking steps to avoid the hallway when it was busy; this avoidance behaviour has similarly been shown in middle years students and leads to decreased physical activity (Stanley et al., 2012). The provision of girls-only physical activity space is often desired (Pawlowski et al., 2014); correspondingly, participating in girls-only exercise classes in the current study increased the girls’ comfort and confidence with resistance training activities.

As part of the identified process of engagement in the weight room, girls described a carry-over of their knowledge into new exercise spaces after graduation. They no longer seemed as worried about judgement from others, or in the dominance of the space by boys, which suggests that their experiences in the high school weight room may have addressed some barriers to participation. However, they mentioned convenience, lack of time and social support, and a return of the initial fear of entering a new space on their own as barriers to using a different weight room. By having high school weight room experience, the girls seemed to eliminate or decrease a number of barriers. Perhaps this could be further facilitated by field trips to university and community weight rooms while still in high school, so that they become familiar with the new space and the fear of the unknown is removed.

While exploring strategies with girls to decrease their fear and increase their confidence in participating in resistance training activities is important, future research should also focus on the role of boys and men in changing the culture of the school weight room to make it a more welcoming and inclusive space for everyone. It would also be of value to gather the perspective and experiences of boys who have never engaged in resistance training to determine what they view as barriers and facilitators to using the school weight room.

Limitations: Difficulty in recruitment of post-graduate participants led to the need to recruit girls from one cohort who were still in school, rather than after graduation. However, consistencies between the girls’ experiences validated the decision to merge the data from the different time frames. Self-selection for the study resulted in a group of participants who reported no involvement in competitive sport. Most girls were first-time weight room users when they were introduced to the high school weight room. 

Conclusion and Implications

The results of this study have direct practical application for schools, and any individuals working in a weight room setting. First, it is important to understand that girls’ use of the school weight room was identified as a multi-stage process of engagement which requires time and purposeful strategies for success. Mandating repeated participation in the initial stages, along with providing an atmosphere of strong social support allowed girls to first enter the space and begin to feel that they belonged. Second, the presence of a female exercise specialist was central to increasing the girls’ knowledge and comfort levels. Many girls stated that they would not have used the weight room if the exercise specialist was male. This should be considered when decisions on weight room staffing are made. Finally, being introduced to the weight room in a safe and welcoming manner in high school seemed to lead to increased confidence to pursue those activities once the girls entered new environments, which is important when attempting to instill physical activity for life.  

Acknowledgements

This work was supported by the College of Rehabilitation Sciences Endowment Fund at the University of Manitoba. The authors would like to thank the students and staff at Grant Park High School for their assistance with this study. The authors would also like to acknowledge the assistance of Tamires do Prado, Brenda Tittlemier, Alanna Walsh, and Jona Erenberg in various aspects of the study. 

 
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Appendix A – Interview Guide

Main Question: Describe your experiences with the (high school) weight room facility during your time at the school.

Probes: How did you get started in these activities at (high school)?

How often did you use the facility? Would you consider yourself a regular user of the facility? Explain. 

Were there any barriers to you using the (high school) facilities?

What made participating appealing to you?

Weight Room Staff

Main Question: Can you tell us about your interactions with (female exercise specialist) during your use of the weight room at (high school)? What did you like/not like about the interactions you had with (female exercise specialist)?

Probes: How might it have made a difference to your use of the weight room if it was a male staff member, instead of (female exercise specialist), who worked in there?

Post-Graduation Physical Activity & Exercise

Main Question: Describe the activities or exercise you’ve done since graduation. 

Probes: How do you think your experience with the (high school) weight room has influenced the physical activities and exercise you do now, or your choices about physical activities and exercise?

Describe how you use things learned in the weight room at (high school), or from the people you interacted with there, in the activities that you do now.

Continued Use of Facilities

Main Question: If it was available, would you continue to use the (high school) weight room after graduation? 

Probe: What would be the pros and cons to you of using the (high school) weight room after graduation?

Advice/Recommendations

Main Question: Do you have any recommendations or advice about the (high school) weight room programs?

Probes: What would you tell current female (high school) students about the weight room facilities and programs?

Closing

Main Question: That covers the specific questions we had.  Is there anything else anyone has not mentioned that they feel they would like to add?